Attractiveness over Intelligence :: American Culture, Beauty

Obsessed with beauty, the American culture seemingly values attractiveness over intelligence. Different media outlets serve to reinforce certain societal feminine ideologies (i.e. thin, tall, young, beautiful, etc.). The overwhelming pressure to conform to cultural standards of beauty and the importance of attaining these ideals of thinness and perfection are commonly displayed in advertising. However, in 2004 Dove launched a campaign that promised to redefine such stereotypes. Researchers agree that a medium that depicts cultural norms and beliefs of â€Å"ideal beauty† have a direct negative impact on the perceptions of young women’s self-image. According to Bissell and Rask (2010), women who are exposed to mediated images, which portray extremely thin models result in negative body image, low self-esteem, eating disorders, and overall dissatisfaction. The overwhelming pressures to be young, thin, and beautiful are the twisted expectations of the American culture. Kilbourne (1999) argues that, â€Å"†¦advertising is one of the most potent messengers in a culture that can be toxic for girls’ self-esteem†¦Ã¢â‚¬  she further argues that advertisements contain â€Å"†¦glossy images of flawlessly beautiful and extremely thin women†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (as cited in Bissell & Rask, 2010). As a result of such advertising, many young women and teens have a manipulated perception of beauty. Research supports this claim by showing th at the average US model portrayed in advertisements is 5’†11† and weighs 117 pounds; when in reality, the average US women is only 5’4† and weighs 140 pounds (Media and eating disorders 2006 as cited in Bissell & Rask 2010). Scholars claim that, â€Å"mass media can reflect basic beliefs, attitudes, and values toward female beauty and can even affect changes in cultures when others are exposed to images of ideal beauty and attractiveness† (Bissell & Chung, 2009). However, the beliefs and attitudes that have been adopted by the American culture are not creating a positive perception of true and healthy beauty, but rather a perception of shame and disappointment (Bissell & Rask, 2010; Bissell & Young, 2009). Both articles agree that constant exposure to these false perceptions of ideal beauty not only misguides young women into believing that this is in fact the cultural norm, but eventually leads them to accept that they must find a way to live up to these unrealistic standards, ultimately leaving them feeling inadequate and unacceptable (Bissell & Young, 2009; Bissell & Rask, 2010). In the last decade, some advertising companies have made an attempt to challenge or change such standards by choosing to use models that don’t normally fit into this â€Å"ideal† construct of beauty (Bissell & Rask, 2010).

DBQ: Slavery Essay

In the 1840’s slavery was very common because of the booming cotton industry in the south, slaves were cheap and skillful, and there were plenty of them to go around, hence the reason the southern economy relied on them so heavily. However, because the North was economically sound and economically more advanced than the south, they saw the wrong behind slavery. Slavery in the south was so common that southerners began to grow used to the idea of slaves, and therefore placed most of their economy and way of life on that of a slave filled state. They saw slavery as an opportunity for the African Americans to make a life in America. â€Å"In all respects the comforts of our slaves are greatly superior to those of the English [factory] operatives, or the Irish and continental peasantry, to say nothing o the millions of paupers crowded together in those loathsome receptacles of starving humanity, the public poorhouses. . . . From this excess of labor, this actual want, and these distressing cares, our slaves are entirely exempted.† (Document A) Because southerners felt that what they were doing for and to slaves was beneficial for the southern and slave communities they saw no wrong in what they were doing, and therefore had no reason to stop slavery. When slaves worked on a plantation they had free health care, housing, and food, all things that were necessary and cost money, something that African Americans would not have had a lot of if they had come to America as immigrants. During that time there was still racial stereotypes and judgment, white land owning Americans thought of themselves as superior to African Americans and many other minority races that immigrated to America. African Americans would not have been taken seriously in the south even if slavery had not existed, they were a minority, and to the south minorities were the dirt beneath their shoes. Because the south’s main staple crop was cotton, and cotton was not a cash crop, the use of slaves made cotton prosperous. The south relied on slave labor to make money out of cotton, with slaves working the fields for little to no pay, most of the money made out of the cotton industry was circulated through the white landowning male community, which made up a very large majority of the south. slave labor being so cheap, and a large amount of slaves could be acquired at one time, made it easy for the south to place everything on slaves and cotton. William Harper in a Memoir on Slavery, 1837, stated that â€Å"the cultivation of the great staple crops [cotton] cannot be carried on in any portion of our country where there are not slaves.† This statement shows that slave labor was the largest contributor to the southern economy during the 1830’s, and therefore a reason to fight for slave labor. In a speech that Abraham Lincoln gave in Peoria, Illinois in October f 1854 he stated that â€Å"In our greedy chase to make profit of the Negro, let us let us beware lest we ‘cancel and tear in pieces’ even the white man’s charter of freedom.† This statement was a warning given by Lincoln, he thought of slavery as unprofitable and unsuited to America’s growing industrial and manufacturing industries. Hinton Helper, in The Impending Crisis, 1857, had a similar view on slave labor in the south, but a different idea on how ti abolish it. â€Å"What about Southern commerce? Is it not almost entirely tributary to the commerce of the North? Are we not dependent on New York, Philadelphia, Boston,and Cincinnati for nearly every article of merchandise, whether foreign or domestic? Where are our ships, our mariners, our naval architects? . . . We must begin to feed on a more substantial diet than that of pro-slavery politics.† Helper’s book The Impending Crisis was banned in the south and used as anti-slavery propaganda by republicans in the north. He believed that landowning white men in the south who did not own slaves were the key to the abolitionism of slavery, but he was also racist throughout The Impending Crisis. In the above quote he states that the north’s economic prosperity comes from the reliance on ports and major cities Slavery was the south’s main source of economic prosperity, therefore the south would have done anything to keep slavery alive. However, the north did not believe in slavery because it was unjust and unneeded. Abolitionists fought to destroy slavery, but the south fought to keep it alive.

USS Indianapolis - World War II

USS Indianapolis - Overview: Nation: United States Type: Portland-class heavy cruiser Shipyard: New York Shipbuilding Co. Laid Down: March 31, 1930 Launched: November 7, 1931 Commissioned: November 15, 1932 Fate: Sunk July 30, 1945 by I-58 Specifications: Displacement: 33,410 tons Length: 639 ft., 5 in. Beam: 90 ft. 6 in. Draft:: 30 ft. 6 in. Propulsion: 8 White-Foster boilers, single reduction geared turbines Speed: 32.7 knots Complement: 1,269 (wartime) Armament: Guns 8 x 8-inch (3 turrets with 3 guns each)8 x 5-inch guns Aircraft 2 x OS2U Kingfishers USS Indianapolis - Construction: Laid down on March 31, 1930, USS Indianapolis (CA-35) was the second of two Portland-class built by the US Navy. An improved version of the earlier Northampton-class, the Portlands were slightly heavier and mounted a larger number of 5-inch guns. Built at the New York Shipbuilding Company in Camden, NJ, Indianapolis was launched on November 7, 1931. Commissioned at the Philadelphia Navy Yard the following November, Indianapolis departed for its shakedown cruise in the Atlantic and Caribbean. Returning in February 1932, the cruiser underwent a minor refit before sailing to Maine. USS Indianapolis - Prewar Operations: Embarking President Franklin Roosevelt at Campobello Island, Indianapolis steamed to Annapolis, MD where the ship entertained members of the cabinet. That September Secretary of the Navy Claude A. Swanson came aboard and used the cruiser for an inspection tour of installations in the Pacific. After participating in a number of fleet problems and training exercises, Indianapolis again embarked the President for a Good Neighbor Tour of South America in November 1936. Arriving home, the cruiser was dispatched to the West Coast for service with the US Pacific Fleet. USS Indianapolis - World War II: On December 7, 1941, as the Japanese were attacking Pearl Harbor, Indianapolis was conducting fire training off Johnston Island. Racing back to Hawaii, the cruiser immediately joined Task Force 11 to search for the enemy. In early 1942, Indianapolis sailed with the carrier USS Lexington and conducted raids in Southwest Pacific against Japanese bases on New Guinea. Ordered to Mare Island, CA for an overhaul, the cruiser returned to action that summer and joined US forces operating in the Aleutians. On August 7, 1942, Indianapolis joined in the bombardment of Japanese positions on Kiska. Remaining in northern waters, the cruiser sank the Japanese cargo ship Akagane Maru on February 19, 1943. That May, Indianapolis supported US troops as they recaptured Attu. It fulfilled a similar mission in August during the landings on Kiska. Following another refit at Mare Island, Indianapolis arrived at Pearl Harbor and was made flagship of Vice Admiral Raymond Spruances 5th Fleet. In this role, it sailed as part of Operation Galvanic on November 10, 1943. Nine days later, it provided fire support as US Marines prepared to land on Tarawa. Following the US advance across the central Pacific, Indianapolis saw action off Kwajalein and supported US air strikes across the western Carolines. In June 1944, the 5th Fleet provided support for the invasion of the Marianas. On June 13, the cruiser opened fire on Saipan before being dispatched to attack Iwo Jima and Chichi Jima. Returning, the cruiser took part in the Battle of the Philippine Sea on June 19, before resuming operations around Saipan. As the battle in the Marianas wound down, Indianapolis was sent to aid in the invasion of Peleliu that September. After brief refit at Mare Island, the cruiser joined Vice Admiral Marc A. Mitschers fast carrier task force on February 14, 1945, shortly before it attacked Tokyo. Steaming south, they aided in the landings on Iwo Jima while continuing to attack the Japanese home islands. On March 24, 1945, Indianapolis took part in the preinvasion bombardment of Okinawa. A week later, the cruiser was hit by kamikaze while off the island. Hitting Indianapolis stern, the kamikazes bomb penetrated through the ship and exploded in the water underneath. After making temporary repairs, the cruiser limped home to Mare Island. Entering the yard, the cruiser underwent extensive repair to the damage. Emerging in July 1945, the ship was tasked with the secret mission of carrying the parts for the atomic bomb to Tinian in the Marianas. Departing on July 16, and steaming at high speed, Indianapolis made record time covering 5,000 miles in ten days. Unloading the components, the ship received orders to proceed to Leyte in the Philippine and then on to Okinawa. Leaving Guam on July 28, and sailing unescorted on a direct course, Indianapolis crossed paths with the Japanese submarine I-58 two days later. Opening fire around 12:15 AM on July 30, I-58 hit Indianapolis with two torpedoes on its starboard side. Critically damaged, the cruiser sank in twelve minutes forcing around 880 survivors into the water. Due to the rapidity of the ships sinking, few life rafts were able to be launched and most of the men had only lifejackets. As the ship was operating on a secret mission, no notification had been sent to Leyte alerting them that Indianapolis was en route. As a result, it was not reported as overdue. Though three SOS messages were sent before the ship sank, they were not acted on for various reasons. For the next four days, Indianapolis surviving crew endured dehydration, starvation, exposure, and terrifying shark attacks. Around 10:25 AM on August 2, the survivors were spotted by a US aircraft conducting a routine patrol. Dropping a radio and life raft, the aircraft reported its position and all possible units were dispatched to the scene. Of the approximately 880 men who went into the water, only 321 were rescued with four of those later dying from their wounds. Among the survivors was Indianapolis commanding officer, Captain Charles Butler McVay III. After the rescue, McVay was court-martialed and convicted for failing to follow an evasive, zig-zag course. Due to evidence that the Navy had put the ship in danger and the testimony of Commander Mochitsura Hashimoto, I-58s captain, which stated that an evasive course would not have mattered, Fleet Admiral Chester Nimitz remitted McVays conviction and restored him to active duty. Despite this, many of the crewmembers families blamed him for the sinking and he later committed suicide in 1968.